July 31, 2010
Badiou’s Politics, Nihilism, and a Solution!
For Badiou, what is, strictly speaking, is a multiplicity of multiplicities, cashed out in terms of set theory. There are sets within sets within sets, all the way, with one exception: the null set, or the void. Every well-founded set contains the empty set as an element. The situations in which we exist are this sort of set. So, in every socio-historical situation, there will be some part (sub-set) whose elements do not belong to the situation. This is the void of the situation, much like the null-set element in any founded set.
Badiou has a famous conception of the “event”, as a rupture with the situation. This rupture or break from the structure of this situation out of which it arises can occur because of this part that escapes the count/structure of the situation. Since there is a kind of “outside” within each situation, there is a latent possibility of an event. When something happens on the edge of the void, someone or ones (political subjectivity is/can be collective) may be hailed to decide upon the significance of the event. When a protest erupts, seemingly out of nowhere, a witness, either within or without, must “decide” upon the significance of the event.
This decision is either an interpretation according to the means of understanding available from within the situation, in which case it will not have been an event; or, the decision will be a declaration without concept of the evental significance of the happening. The former might be to think or say, “this is just another protest like all the rest.” The latter would be to give the happening a name, and commit oneself to tracing out the consequences of its truth in and through making true this declaration.
A potential political actor has two options for genuine political engagement: either one happens across what will have been an event in the making, or one enters into an already open procedure of truth (the procedure of tracing out the consequences of the evental decision). But, since Badiou’s presentation seems to intentionally lead the reader to believe that events are incredibly rare, his examples number five in over two hundred years, there are few opportunities for engagement of the first sort. This leaves the possibility of entering into an already open procedure of truth, which is equally unlikely for some, especially young, potential political actors.
July 28, 2010
Let Us Think: Reading "First as Tragedy, Then as Farce"
This is an old post (Nov 2009) of mine from a different blog, but I like the passage so much I thought I would share it again.
For my money, and I'm not finished reading (only 20-ish pages to go!), the value of First as Tragedy for political thinking lies both in the general message that Zizek is laying out, and in the many analyses of our present situation that he offers. I want to comment only on the former at this time. His program is distinctly Communist in character, but not a naive return to a critique of the contradictions of our historical situation - which is not to say that such a critique cannot be performed.
Instead, Zizek highlights the imperative to think through the idea of Communism, an idea we must hold onto in the face of a hollowed out Democracy that applies to any and all situations. Communism, as an idea, is itself something we have to make sense of in light of our current historical situation, and not something we apply to the situation in order to make sense of the latter. The failing of the left is that even in a world where the whole political spectrum knows that something is wrong, the left, the alternative, has no clear picture of what to do in place of the status quo.
This diagnosis leaves us in a position where we want to act (that is, some of you want to act), but don't know what to do. By default, the liberal hegemony continues. This is why Zizek offers my favorite of his recent injunctions: we need to stop and think.
With incredible frequency, Politicians deliver promises that are never fulfilled through action. Granted. But, on the contrary, those politicians also act all too often without thinking. The current financial crisis is the result of something, yet instead of figuring out what and why, the governments of the global powers act - perhaps in response the their jerking knees - by throwing $700 Billion (in the US alone) at the problem, as though this will save the sinking ship.
Likewise, activists of all stripes gather in futile efforts that serve their egos and self-images more than any 'cause' which they feign to represent. Perhaps this may be overly cynical, but those activists, those young people, do little more than practice being political, even when they have good intensions. My wager is that this is because they have a confused mix of tired messages and newly born angst, but little if any thought (maybe they are lacking a procedure of truth?) guiding their efforts.
Zizek reminds us that in lieu of a well thought out program of action, and in lieu of an alternative vision of life to the one that "ended history", we ought to slow down, regroup, figure out what it means to be the left, the communists, of today, and then proceed. As a philosopher, this injunction to think is the sweetest music I've heard in a while. I'd like to suggest that we need to think about what kind of event could, and what it would mean for that event to, symbolically 'un-end' history.
July 27, 2010
Reflections on Philosophy
I will be posting a series of interviews I am conducting rather informally with some graduate students of philosophy. I'm mostly interested in having a kind of reflective discussion about philosophy as a practice and how we see our jobs, motivations, goals, communities and so on.
I am conducting the interviews by e-mail and somewhat concurrently, so I will post them in the order that I complete them.
Addendum: I should add that if anyone else wants to be so interviewed, e-mail me and we can discuss it: major.philosophy[at]gmail.com
Let's Not be Too Hasty...
...it is after all a time honored tradition!
From the New York Times (excerpts):
BEIJING — The Chinese government has called for an end to the public shaming of criminal suspects, a time-honored cudgel of Chinese law enforcement but one that has increasingly rattled the public.
The new regulations are thought to be a response to the public outcry over a recent spate of “shame parades,” in which those suspected of being prostitutes are shackled and forced to walk in public.
Last October, the police in Henan Province took to the Internet, posting photographs of women suspected of being prostitutes. Other cities have taken to publishing the names and addresses of convicted sex workers and those of their clients. The most widely circulated images, taken earlier this month in the southern city of Dongguan, included young women roped together and paraded barefoot through crowded city streets.
The police later said they were not punishing the women, only seeking their help in the pursuit of an investigation.
Public shaming of the accused and the condemned has been a long tradition in China — one that the Communist Party embraced with zeal during episodes of class struggle and anticrime crusades. Although public executions have been discontinued, provincial cities still hold mass sentencing rallies, during which convicts wearing confessional placards are driven though the streets in open trucks.
July 26, 2010
Too Anarchist, or Not Too Anarchist?
I suggest that I ought to find this idea of spontaneous self-organization appealing, since, for Badiou, and according to my modified Badiouian political framework, politics is inaugurated in an aleatory event. We cannot predict or force an event, so, in some sense, we organize in and through our becoming subject to the new procedure of truth. Our coming together into a collective subjectivity in response to an unpredictable event sounds a lot like spontaneous self-organization. Our fidelity compels us to materially trace out the consequences of our commitment, that is, in the good old-fashioned Marxist, (Hegelian even) sense of getting your hands dirty and changing the world according to your will – or in this case, according to the truth you’ve wagered on. This seems like something that those who favor the idea of spontaneous self-organization would like: become political when you are struck by something important that calls for engagement. Engage in ways that make sense to you, indifferent to there being a movement or front. The picture all kind of comes together.
Why then do I not find this idea about organization appealing? Well, I just don’t see it as something I can have confidence in. It seems to me that global capitalism, or whatever name we might give to “the system”, is going to have to change. For many reasons – take your pick – the system will be forced to transform radically. This is somewhat contentious; but, taking it for granted, we have the choice to let forces other than our own efforts steer the change, or we can change it according to our will. Perhaps this is my call to action or something.
If you experience, morally, existentially, or otherwise, the imperative to act in the face of this supposed change, then you need ask yourself: can I rely upon spontaneous self-organization of the left to steer the transformation? I’d not bet on it. It seems to me a matter of confidence that the left work hard to find ways of organizing that allow some measure of control, and that allows political actors to gauge the discontent of the masses, the effects of disaster ideologies on people – that is, how effective are the enemies at hijacking public opinion? (and how effective are we at it for that matter?) – and an organization that allows strong and strategic intervention. Of course, if individuals or groups spontaneously act in solidarity with the organized movement or front, then all the better, it just seems to me that the masses will need a sympathetic nudge.
I suppose the point, in a round about way, is that confidence plays an important role in the evaluation of political theories, and I have more confidence in something like Lenin’s vanguardism than the many versions of anarchism circulating today. Works like The Coming Insurrection, by the Invisible Committee, just don’t inspire confidence (although I welcome suggestions about other anarchisms that might do so).
Against Modesty, or "Why is Careerism Such a Dirty Word?"
July 23, 2010
Onticology: Some notes about objects
- Objects are not defined by their qualities (or occasions thereof, termed "events"), but by their "powers" or capacities. So, an object can be without it's qualities, but not without its powers.
- Likewise (for reasons too complicated to get into here, and to save something of the secret for those who get the book), objects are not defined by their external relations.
- Object relations come in two forms, internal or "endo-" and external or "exo-". The former comprise the structure of an object (much more will be said of this in the coming chapters me thinks), and the latter the relations objects enter into with other objects.
- Since objects have the power to created events in the world (keep in mind the notion of event mentioned above), objects apart from their qualities are called "difference engines", insofar as the production of an event makes a difference in the world. This looks like a trace of what used to be a central principle for Bryant, namely "the ontic principle", that he has since dropped: there is no difference that does not make a difference (which implied that objects were, in some sense, the difference they made in the world).
- He also introduces a very cool-sounding bit of terminology, that I'm not sure is necessary: "virtual proper being". Objects are not their qualities, yet they endure, the substantial portion (object apart from quality) is called virtual proper being. I here the word "monad" ringing somewhere in the distance here, if ever so softly. I'm looking forward to more on this concept.
- The term "quality" is dropped (though event is still maintained as synonym) in favor of "Local Manifestation". Events occur in a number of ways, always under particular conditions. So each event is a local manifestation. There is a cautionary note, however. Manifestations are not manifest to any subject. Instead they are "actualizations" in the world, witnessing subject or no.
- Since objects are at the core difference engines, whose qualities are events or manifestations, we should not say that the object "has" qualities, but rather "does" qualities.
- The picture of objects we are left with, where the core object and it's manifestations/qualities are separate but connected in some kind of endo-relation, is one of a split-object. The "core" or virtual proper being of an object is always, in some sense, withdrawn (to borrow the term from Graham Harman) behind its qualities, and thus withdrawn from other objects.
July 22, 2010
Kant, and Fun with Counterfactual Hypotheticals
Instead of the conflict that the moral disposition now has to carry on with the inclinations, in which, through after some defeats, moral strength of soul is to be gradually acquired, God and eternity with their awful majesty would stand unceasingly before our eyes…[H]ence most actions conforming to the law would be done from fear, only a few from hope, and none at all from duty, and the moral worth of actions, on which alone in the eyes of supreme wisdom the worth of the person and even that of the world depends, would not exist at all. As long as human nature remains as it is, human conduct would thus be changed into mere mechanism in which, as in a puppet show, everything would gesticulate well but there would be no life in the figures.
While we're talking Kant... I recall reading this joke from Kant's third Critique. (I grabbed it from wiki this time.) He says, "Laughter is an effect that arises if a tense expectation is transformed into nothing." Here is Kant's 219-year old joke and his analysis:
An Englishman at an Indian's table in Surat saw a bottle of ale being opened, and all the beer, turned to froth, rushed out. The Indian, by repeated exclamations, showed his great amazement. - Well, what's so amazing in that? asked the Englishman. - Oh, but I'm not amazed at its coming out, replied the Indian, but how you managed to get it all in. - This makes us laugh, and it gives us a hearty pleasure. This is not because, say, we think we are smarter than this ignorant man, nor are we laughing at anything else here that it is our liking and that we noticed through our understanding. It is rather that we had a tense expectation that suddenly vanished...
July 21, 2010
Speculative Realism (SR) and Object-Oriented Ontology (OOO)
For those of you who know me, you'll know that I've had a spectator's interests in SR/OOO for some time. I've read Quentin Meillasoux's After Finitude, an excellent promissory text, where the central problematic of this field is defined (though a solution or alternative is only hinted at). I've also, obviously, read a small bit of Graham Harman's work in both Tool-Being and Guerilla Metaphysics. Harman's philosophy is built upon an extensive analysis of Heidegger's analysis of tools and the shift that takes place when they break down. From what I can tell, both of Harman's texts are of the highest quality, though Heideggerians are likely to get pissed off if they read him.
there are [not] two worlds, the real natural world and the ideal mental world of meaning, but that there is only one level: reality. Onticology thus draws a transversal line across the distinction between mind and world, culture and nature. Culture is not other than reality or the real, but is an element of the real. Since onticology begins with the hypothesis, wishing to know where it will go, that there is no difference that does not make a difference, it proves impossible to exclude the human. Why? Because humans make a difference. What onticology objects to is not the thesis that humans are elements in the real, but the thesis that every relation is a human-world relation.
The central problematic for all of the Speculative Realists is the problem of "correlationism" outlined by Meillasoux. He says,
by 'correlation' we mean the idea according to which we only ever have access to the correlation between thinking and being, and never either term considered apart from the other.
Bryant draws on Foucault's concept of the 'episteme' to describe the bias away from ontology and toward epistemology that I often rant about. I've often said that everyone today begins with the epistemological question, in one form or another, ignoring the ontological. This is because correlationism has become a kind of "historical a priori" that defines the space in which we do philosophy. The realm in which we can disagree about anything is defined by certain things we must share in common, and take for granted. The Speculative Realists argue (convincingly) that this is a correlationist time and place.
Instead of thinking the being of objects sutured to human access, can we think the being of objects as such? These strange realists think so. I will post more about this as I read on.
July 20, 2010
Experiments in Ontology: Baudrillard and Hyperreality
One of Baudrillard’s key insights is that upon radicalization, every theory (or system) is subject to the form of reversibility. He is speaking specifically about systems of signification, but following the sentiments of his own methodology – that we take ideas to their extremes – can we not extend his notion of reversibility to other kinds of systems?
The idea is that taken to the extreme, any theory or system will fold back on itself. An interesting way to read the concept ‘hyperreality’ is as a kind of reversal from simulation to reality. A simulation is a copy of some real. As simulation reaches totality, as it covers over the real completely, there is nothing left but simulation. Simulation no longer has a basis in some real. With no remaining reality to support the simulation, it is completely detached, orbital, or ‘sovereign’. As the only “stuff” left, simulation becomes the “stuff” of reality, or reality itself. The system of simulation thus reverses itself at the limit point: what was a simulation of some real is now the real itself, the new real. Can we read this phenomenon more radically than does Baudrillard himself?
Sociologists, tired of the infectivity of language games, are trying to extend the use of postmodern theory into the realm of empirical research. Mirchandani (Sociological Theory, 23:1, 2005) and Cole, for example, think that Baudrillard and his postmodern colleagues have insights to offer that can shape the way we study the world around us. Might thinkers like Baudrillard also help us to think about the nature of reality as such? Over the next little while I’ll be working on outlining the contours of Baudrillard’s postmodernist epistemological ideas in order to then see how we might be able to apply something gleaned to our thinking about ontology: perhaps a sort of postmodern ontology. I guess the speculation would be that maybe Being as such is itself subject to instability, change, and ultimately a kind of structural reversal of the sort intended by the concept “hyperreality”. (Yes, Heideggerians, I probably have made an entity out of Being.) More on this point is sure to follow.
While on the topic of hyperreality: In Simulacra and Simulation, Baudrillard begins with a discussion of Borges’ fable of the map (“On Exactitude in Science”). The fable has it that a master cartographer creates a map of the land on a 1-to-1 scale, perfectly reproducing the land it maps. It is not exactly clear how we are to understand the fable in Baudrillard’s discussion of it. He says both that the map, as simulacrum, precedes the real land it maps; and, that the real does not survive its being covered over by the map. As usual, this is no matter of concern for us here. I think it is an interesting metaphor for the kind of ontology that might be suggested by the notion of hyperreality. The land covered over by the map will die and decay, and eventually become desert, so that the only real thing left is the map. Likewise, could it be that as simulation completes itself and covers over the real, the real doesn’t survive its total simulation and instead dies out, leaving only the simulation in its place?
If this has happened, if we live in hyperreality, could it be that to be is to be simulation? And if this is the case, post-reversal, would it matter? And would it any longer make sense to call our real a simulation?
July 18, 2010
The Conservatism of Protest Ideology
I had originally written up a much longer post about the recent G20 “crisis” in Toronto. Instead I’ll give you the most interesting point, and cut the chaff. There are two aspects to what I find interesting about the outrage people express toward the G20 security response. One aspect is that many innocent people were arrested and detained. Most of this sort of dimension of the problem rests on something like “punishment doesn’t fit the crime” logic. Fair enough in many cases. Though I think most people got "cool" war-stories out of it and suffered very little to get them. No matter, I will leave that issue for the time being. The other dimension of the outrage is something much less obvious.
People are very concerned with the ways in which their civil liberties have been compromised. The security force was either allowed to operate outside the law or to write the law on the fly. This flies in the face of juridico-legislative due process. The way the security response worked to shut down the protest denied many (approx. 900) their “right to protest”. It is around the loss of this right that there is so much fervor. But what is this right really? This sacred right to protest is all smoke and mirrors. Of course the police state will never wholly deny the right to protest, they want you to protest.
There is a common, and really quite genius, strategy of sterilizing threats by integrating them into the systems that they are designed to unsettle. I’ve recently been told that Noam Chomsky makes frequent reference to this phenomenon. MIT, an otherwise quite conservative institution, allows him to work there with all his radical leftist propaganda. They can’t really be that opposed to his politics if they allow him to give voice to his positions in their institution, can they? Well, his point is that one of the best ways to take the subversive edge off something like this, is to allow it, give it a home, and to do so in ways that are acceptable to the system. The police state allows protest because it is an ineffective and generally apolitical way to blow off steam without threatening real change.
For all those worried about your sacred right to protest, don’t be. It’s yours for as long as you want it. Of course, in order for the game to function, the police response has to be there. You have to feel like you are combating some oppressive regime for you to have the proper experience. This is as ideological as it comes. The police say, “no don’t protest, we’ll lock you up…lousy youth. Learn some manners, and pull up your pants!” This creates the space in which young people can feel political without being political.
Genuine politics doesn’t operate under the condition of being granted the right. It is never the case that the-powers-that-be give you the means (at least not on purpose) to compromise their power. You take it. You declare your right to effect change, and proceed according to your right. You act in such a way that the situation changes according to the right that directs your political intervention. The whole worry about them taking our right to protest away misses the entire point, which is exactly what prevents any really politics from taking place.
Zizek gives an excellent and very accessible discussion of ideology that I think may be helpful for interpreting the G20 and its aftermath. (His point about the “self-mockery” of pornography [35 min in] is exactly the kind of play I had suggested goes on in much of the cheesy MTV programming, though I didn’t really say anything about censorship in and through this play.)
A few final notes about politics:
I don’t have perfectly clear theory of political change, but I do have certain intuitions. Some of which (I had originally planned to discuss) are:
1) Politics operates at a distance from the state. You don’t effect radical change by following the rules.
2) Insofar as it is political, it must be radically so. Politics is not a negotiation of interests, but the bringing into being of a radically new structure/situation.
3) Spontaneous organization is a pipe dream. The new anarchisms that envision a cooperative but anarchically coordinated mass movement is about as passive as awaiting the second coming, and a kind of bad faith excuse. Radical politics must be undertaken by a subjectivity at least loosely organized around some kind of centre. My speculation is that this has to be some kind of charismatic leadership.
4) Radical change must occur in response to a kind of break or gap in the structure/logic of the situation. Also, although we cannot simply will into being a political event, we can exploit openings when they are presented. The degree to which we can create openings is still somewhat fuzzy to me. This is a point very much worth exploring.
I suppose this all makes me some kind of revolutionary vanguardist. So be it. I don’t see another way to bring about the kind of break necessary for real change. As suggested, I haven’t a very clear or detailed political program, but these are my intuitions about politics. If you see a lot of Badiou in these points, it is because I’ve been submerged in his works for well over a year. As I go forward with other thinkers, I will continue to flush out these insights.
July 15, 2010
Real or Fake?
One of the fascinating things we can take from one of my favorite philosophers Jean Baudrillard is that the real is never pure, and it seems to me that the simulation isn’t either. Of course Baudrillard thinks – one of his more adventurous methodological challenges – that we should take ideas, systems, and simulations to their logical extremes to see what we learn. I take up this challenge by casting theories of ideology as ontological questions instead of epistemological ones, especially with respect to Baudrillard’s concept “hyperreality”. No matter here.
We find a particularly apt example of how neither reality nor its simulation is pure when we examine reality television. It is widely understood that reality television is tremendously scripted, produced, and contrived. An example of an interesting ideological play on this idea comes from MTV in the form of stupid shows like “Parental Control” and “Disaster Date” (don’t ask how I know). These particularly idiotic (but addictive) programs are so phony that the audience knows that the show is put on. There is a kind of air about these shows that seems to indicate that the producers of the shows know that the audience know that the shows are anything but “real”. This exemplifies the evacuation of the term itself.
Recently, we find an even more interesting case with an extra reversal. Usually reality television is a simulation of reality presented as real. In the case of the finale of “The Hills” (I know, shut up), there is a further reversal that puts into question both the nature of simulation and that of reality and our ability to discern the two. After a long tearful goodbye between Brody and Kristen against the backdrop of the Hollywood hills, she drives off leaving a sad and contemplative man behind. But, in a brilliantly ridiculous bit of “cinematography”, the camera pans out where we see the screen behind Brody wheeled off and Kristen in a car not but a few feet away. The producers of the show reveal the “truth” that The Hills is not in fact “real”.
The lower orders of simulation are simple reproductions of objects. A painting or photograph of a real tree. Higher orders, the stuff of hyperreality, are simulations without a real object to simulate. Some examples are the film “The China Syndrome” where there is a nuclear reactor meltdown (coincidently, just) before any real reactor actually melts down. The simulation preceded the real in this case. Another notable example of the hyperreal is pornography. Certain sexual acts transpire in a way that is supposed to be an example of what some real, some cool and sexy, people actually do. But, there are certain mainstream pornographic scenes that are copies without a basis in any particular “real”. It’s not hard to think of examples of certain uncomfortable features that no (very few) women are anatomically equipped to enjoy.
The Hills’ finale makes us think: as reality tv, we knew it was fake all along. But, then we find out it’s fake. Is the operation of revealing the ruse a “real” revealing? What would it mean for this to be a “real fake”. What happens to the status of the real/simulation binary when we undertake these many reversals? In all honesty, I’m not sure what to make of this. Ought we make sense of this in the same terms we would any other “real”, “fake”, or “reality tv” program? Or is this indicative of something more radical? Might this reveal to us what has already been the case: namely, that the distinction between real and simulation is already fuzzy? If the distinction breaks down, that is, if we lose grip of the discernability of this distinction, then we are in a state of hyperreality, and perhaps we don’t have to imagine what it would be like by taking an idea about ideology to the extreme. Perhaps we live in that extreme.
Advice
For those students who haven't come across Graham Harman's blog, stop reading this and go look at his posts filed under "advice". I'm somewhat interested in the Speculative Realism and Object-Oriented Ontology movements in "post-continental" philosophy these days, so I've had philosophical reasons to follow Harman. His analysis of Heidegger's "Tool-Being" in Being and Time is excellent, and the conclusions he draws from it incredibly creative. But what I've come to appreciate most about his blog are not his philosophical musings, or the details about whatever random thing is happening in his life or interests. Rather, what keeps me coming back are his advice posts aimed at young academics. I find them both inspiring and comforting. I don't always agree with the things he says, but they always feel a bit like a pat on the back.
July 14, 2010
Origin Stories
It seems to me that what I've wanted to explore are two thoughts: first, how is it that one becomes who they are as a philosopher? How does one find their voice, or view, or lense, etc? In other words, before Heidegger was Heidegger he was just another reader of philosophy. At what point did he become "Heidegger" the philosopher. Throughout a productive and interesting, albeit "colorful", career, Heidegger was always Heidegger. Before and after "the turn", he would still take the same general approach to whatever random problem you put before him. You can say the same of Derrida, Badiou, or whichever other major figure of philosophy. No, I don't think this is exclusively a characteristic of the famous thinkers as it is entirely likely that many unknowns have a distinct philosophical perspective and actually have ideas. It is this last point that I think most crucial.